That the US Congressman, Dana Rohrabacher, chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigation, has written a letter to Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani, condemning the recent violence in Balochistan and dubbing Pakistan a “failed state”, he has done the job well. Whatever the agenda he is pushing, he is executing with his own sincerity and belief. But one has failed to understand what he means by “it has become increasingly clear to members of the US Congress that Pakistan is a failed state and no amount of US aid money will ever change that”.

Does it mean that the US aid money is meant to help progress the other nations or to cause failures further? Do they help towards reliance and then self-destruction? What should be the cost of allying with the superpower in its supreme cause of fighting the war on terror? One way is to make that nation strong enough, giving it the world’s fullest backing and resources that it fights out the menace of terrorism. Had this been done, the result would have been much more different from now; the war against terror could have been ended much before.

When you place a government under Zardari and Gilani with your backing and endorsement, yes under the general elections, elected government and democracy, when your IMF and World Bank dictates the terms to raise tariffs and hike the prices to the level of your choosing, when Rohrabachers of your Congress consider Balochistan an international issue and do not speak on the massive corruption of its own installed government considering it “country’s internal affair”, how can it talk about the US money not well spent?

Who would understand why isn’t the war on terror a phony tactic to target Pakistan, its nuclear program and dismantling its armed forces? We are surely heading towards the brink and the agents of America have the lease enough to continue playing havoc with the nation. You would not let us even dub Dr Shakil Afridi a traitor because the countries and individuals serving the US interests or loyal protégés no matter to what extent they betray their own people and parameters. When shall the people at helm of affairs speak or act? Water has risen to highest levels.

The Baluchistan issue is a hot debate these days after a controversial bill was presented in the American House of Representatives by a US Congressman from California Dana Rohrabacher calling for the right of self determination to oppressed people of Baluchistan. On one side this bill has spoiled all the efforts been taken by the US for the resumption of its estranged relations with Islamabad. But on the other hand it has also accentuated the graveness of Balochistan issue in the eyes of many especially television anchorpersons.

The Balochistan conflict first surfaced soon after the inception of Pakistan in 1947 when Pak army troops were deployed to subdue insurgents based in Kalat who rejected the King of Kalat’s decision to accede to Pakistan.

A subsequent Baloch separatist movement gained momentum during the 1960s, and amid consistent political disorder and instability at the federal level, the government ordered a military operation into the region in 1973, assisted by Iran, and inflicted heavy casualties on the separatists. Insurgency, however, again gained strength in the 1990s and 2000s.

The issue gets imperiled further in 2005 when Baloch political leaders Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti and Mir Balach Marri demanded greater autonomy and presented a 15-point agenda to the Pakistan government. Their stated demands included greater control of the province’s resources and a moratorium on the construction of military bases. This led to a military operation in August 2005 where 79 year old Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti was killed during fighting with the Pakistan Army. He was charged by Pakistan’s government of a series of bomb blasts, killings of the people he professed to protect and the rocket attack on President Pervez Musharraf.

On August 12, 2009, Khan of Kalat Mir Suleiman Dawood declared himself ruler of Balochistan and formally announced a Council for Independent Balochistan. The council’s claimed domain includes “Baloch of Iran”, as well as Pakistani Balochistan, but does not include Afghan Baloch regions, and the council contains “all separatist leaders including Nawabzada Bramdagh Bugti.” He claimed that “the UK had a moral responsibility to raise the issue of Balochistan’s illegal occupation at international level.

Where many intellectuals when talking about the Balochistan issue are highlighting the human right abuses, more autonomy or economic dimensions (more royalties) to the conflict, the nature of the conflict is somewhat nationalist and self determination thirst and will of Baloch feudal lords to secede from Pakistan.

There is no doubt Balochistan was considered a neglected province where a majority of population lacks amenities, its ruling elite enjoyed glamorous lifestyles that provided a different perspective of the issue. Members of Balochistan’s elite society, including provincial government ministers and officials, owned pieces of land greater in size than some small towns of the country, and had luxury vehicles, properties, investments and businesses valued at millions of Rupees.

Covert presence of foreign intelligences is also jeopardizing Baloch conflict. Pakistani interior minister Rehman Malik has reiterated it many times that Baloch Republican Party chief Brahamdagh Bugti was operating terrorist training camps in Afghanistan that are responsible for training up to 5,000 insurgents who were causing unrest in Balochistan. He also noted that that the President of Afghanistan, Hamid Karzai, had accepted that militants based in Afghanistan were fuelling terrorism in Balochistan.

Similarly Brahamdagh Bugti in an interview stated he would accept aid from India, Afghanistan and Iran which would help in the defense of Baluchistan. Pakistan has also repeatedly accused India, and occasionally the US, of supporting the Baloch rebels in order to destabilize the country that India has categorically denied. However, according to wiki leaks, British intelligence is said to believe that India was backing the insurgency in Balochistan as a result of suspected Pakistani support for Lashkar-e-Taiba.

The Americans do not want Chinese in Balochistan. The Chinese are interested in Gawadar port facilities for export of their goods and of gas. Iranians see Gawadar as a threat to their economy in the region.

Human rights violations including torture, enforced disappearances of those suspected of either terrorism or opposing the military, ill treatment of those suspected of criminal activity and extrajudicial killings in Balochistan are a major cause of concern to this very conflict. This has caused an economic brain drain in the province and if continued with the same rate will push the Baloch nation at least one century back because it has compelled large number of skilled manpower to leave the province for fear of attacks.

The Baloch conflict is too volatile, composite and the perplexed one and is worsening with each passing day. We will have to perceive the issue from multitude of directions to discern the origin and causing root of the conflict. The real issue of Balochistan was political one and couldn’t be resolved through use of force. It’s not what it looks to be.

Federal government and its bureaucracy seems are not mindful of the seriousness of the Balochistan issue. It will no more work to annunciate “Aghaz-e-Haqooq Balochistan” on one side but be imprudent regarding interference of foreign countries in Balochistan. This incautious attitude of government is encouraging anti Pakistan elements misguide jobless Baloch youths and use them for the accomplishment of their nefarious designs.

Baloch are our brothers through any angle if observed whether creed wise, geographically, country wise, culturally or even if considered the physiognomy. We need to pay serious heed to Balochistan issue and take concrete and result oriented actions like arresting the killers of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti to win back the confidence of the Baloch people.

We will have to address the issue on three main directions. First to kick out the foreign presence either by hook or by crook. Second to address the economic dimension of Baloch people by obviously paying more royalties for their precious minerals being used by rest of Pakistan and third to replenish the educational scarcity of Baloch people through the bestowment of more educational scholarships to the Baloch students. The other provinces will have to relinquish in this regard as they are benefitting from Baloch resources.

If these steps were taken practically no Baloch Sardar would be able to misuse the educated and employed Baloch youth for his ill intentions.

Throughout the solution process time will play the most important and pivotal factor as if the issue once approached the point of no return and in result separatists disapproved to sit in talks with the government, this would lead to civil war and disaster for the province.

The writer can be reached at: fukhan90@gmail.com

The first challenge to the ISI is to comprehend the grounds on which the fidelity of a national can be questioned, and the grounds on which it cannot be. The ancillary challenge is the modus operandi that is supposed to be adopted to bring an alleged person to a court of law to be arraigned for his deeds. The ISI may be following the old manual written perhaps for the Cold War era — how to label a national as a foe to win the war at all costs. Contrarily, the post-Cold War era is quite different. It is tolerant to numerous human aberrations. It is lenient to several human anomalies. It dampens political ultra-nationalism. It discourages religious fanaticism. It values independent human thinking. The readjustments actuated by the absence of the Cold War are still affecting one area or another of society. The ISI needs to keep itself abreast of those changes to appreciate the flexible boundaries of loyalty of citizens, including the Baloch, to their country.

Secondly, the post-Cold War era has redefined the boundaries of human rights and readjusted the margins of dissent. In all societies, both human rights and dissent have now acquired more space to thrive than ever before. Human rights are considered absolute and dissent is regarded as a way of life — and not a matter to be condemned and dispatching a dissenter to a death cell. The ISI needs to understand the concept of human rights afresh and the definition of violation of human rights anew. It will be pathetic if the ISI seeks refuge in the comparison of how many people were rendered missing by the intelligence agencies of other countries with its own performance in doing so. There is no need for any such contest. The comparison is absurd and justification is abominable. Further, a malevolent act carried out by a country does not permit another country to ape the same. The US has already been reviled both at home and abroad for its Guantanamo Bay policy. There is no room for any Guantanamo Bay in Pakistan. To muffle the dissenting voice of Pakistanis, including the Baloch, was not the objective of the constitution of the ISI. To compare the role of the ISI with foreign intelligence agencies, there are available other better areas of performance, which need not be mentioned here.

Thirdly, the post-Cold War era has brought forth a phenomenon (which enfolds a paradox) the understanding of which is another challenge to the ISI. On the one hand, there is happening a trans-continental migratory movement of people while on the other, there is emerging an ethnic nationalism at home. The ISI needs to study the similarities and differences (which are numerous) between both parts of the phenomenon. The ISI should also conduct a study what role grievances and deprivation play in necessitating both sections of the phenomenon. It is a shame that the military gave a guard of honour to General Pervez Musharraf, who abrogated the Constitution of Pakistan on November 3, 2007, but has been dealing with human beings living in Balochistan as if they were animals. Apparently, the abrogation of the constitution is a lesser evil but raising voice for one’s rights is a bigger one. Not ethnic nationalism and its manifestations but the appearance of mutilated dead bodies in Balochistan is an antithesis to the theme of oneness of Pakistan.

Fourthly, the ISI is surrounded by sycophants existing in the domain of politics. They are there with an axe to grind. How come Sheikh Rashid of Awami Muslim League knows the way the military or the ISI works? Is he briefed on that? He seems hell bent on becoming a blue-eyed chap of the Corps Commanders Rawalpindi. Ironically, on any TV talk show, he can speak on Balochistan at length to defend the military and the ISI but he shies away from speaking on the problems of and solutions for the railways as its ex-minister. He does all that obsequiousness not for any altruistic cause but to meet his selfish motive: to persuade the ISI to rig the next elections for him to bring him into power. These sycophants engender more harm than benefit to the ISI and need to be kept at arm’s length.

Fifthly, the ISI seems to have fallen prey to certain defence analysts who now are in abundance around. The other day, one such defence analyst was found proclaiming that the idea of the Dubai model was spawning unrest in Balochistan and unless this idea fizzled out, no peace could be introduced in Balochistan. The answer is very simple: if Balochistan has the potential to become Dubai, Pakistan should take the initiative and make this dream come true. Why is Pakistan faltering on that account? Another defence analyst has been trying to find the path of making another martial law possible. The pathfinder is determined to justify abrogation of the constitution under the trite excuse of ‘national interests’. Perceivably, the worth of a defence analyst is to grasp the seat of a director at some defence institute, deliver lectures at some war college, secure a position in some government-owned organisation including the state-run TV or acquire a piece of land at a nominal price in a DHA. These defence analysts feed on the vulnerabilities of the ISI and promote their own interests.

In fact, the glass of the media is also half-full of ISI’s toadies. It is understandable that in Pakistan to comment as a sycophant on the perceived challenges to the ISI is one thing but to comment on the ISI as a critic is a different ball game, called a risky business — the cost of which may be a critic’s scalp.

The writer is a freelance columnist and can be reached at qaisarrashid@yahoo.com

By Dana Rohrabacher,

Balochistan was never peaceful. The Khan of Qalat, claiming an independent status for his region, revolted against the central government soon after the departure of the British on August 14, 1947. The democratically elected prime minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto ordered military action in Balochistan in 1974, and so did the government of Gen Ziaul Haq.

The fault lies with the mindset of the local sardars. The British had no interest in Balochistan and had therefore given a free hand to the local sardars to administer the tribes at their own discretion so long as peace was maintained in the region. With the onset of a new Muslim League government, the sardars could not accept receiving directions first from Karachi and then Islamabad, nor could they accept their highly subjugated tribesmen being introduced to democracy.

It is not true that the central government’s policies and actions in Balochistan devastated millions of lives. The truth is that the arrogance and inhuman treatment by the sardars devastated the lives of the Baloch masses. Nawab Akbar Bugti, who developed personal differences with the Kalpars and Masuris, banished the sub-tribes from their ancestral regions and forced them to lead nomadic lives in Sindh and Punjab. They were rehabilitated by the federal government in 2002.

The Baloch sardars also hindered any development schemes or establishment of educational institutions, so that the locals did not become conscious of their own rights. Millions or rupees in the royalty received from the Sui gas fields was squandered on luxury cars and pleasure trips abroad by the tribal chieftains. Not a single paisa was spent on the welfare of tribesmen.

Non-Baloch ethnic groups who have lived in the province for several decades and are engaged in educational and health-sector activities have been mercilessly killed. When Nawab Bugti was made governor of Balochistan, the first action he took was to cleanse the administration of experienced non-Baloch bureaucrats in the province. During his rules as governor and chief minister of Balochistan, Bugti did not initiate a single development project there. Many other Baloch personalities held extremely important offices but started or completed no project worth mentioning.

Gen Mohammad Musa, from the Hazara tribe of Balochistan, served as the second commander-in-chief of the army and governor of what was then West Pakistan in the progressive Ayub era, and was appointed governor of Balochistan during Zia’s regime. Sardar Mir Zafarullah Khan Jamali of Balochistan was prime minister of the country.

A major portion of the Balochistan budget is spent on the upkeep of an army of ministers and advisers. Were there genuine concern for the welfare of fellow Baloch, the lawmakers would have voluntarily reduced the size of the cabinet. Balochistan’s home minister Mir Zafarullah Zahri revealed on March 28 that three ministers in the provincial coalition setup are involved in kidnapping for ransom. If Baloch ministers are themselves involved in perpetuation of such heinous crimes, it is difficult to see how the administration can be expected to halt the deterioration of the law-and-order situation. Are Islamabad and the establishment entirely responsible for the crisis?

The cantonments established by our army have always brought development and prosperity to local populations. Kharian in Punjab and Punnu Aqil in Sindh, for instance, were unknown arid places. But they have been turned into model towns when they were converted into cantonments, because they resulted in roaring business in the areas and employment opportunities for the locals.

The 1,700-kilometres Baloch coastline has three modern naval facilities, the Jinnah Naval Base at Ormara, Chaghai and Kharan. It has strategically significant regions like the one where the nuclear test was conducted in 1998. Also, on Gen Ashfaq Parvez Kayani’s instructions 10,000 Baloch men have been inducted in the army.

As for the natural wealth of the Balochistan that includes natural gas, coal, copper and gold, the greatest obstacle to the exploitation of this wealth is the disturbed law-and-order situation. For its own lack of expertise and resources, the Baloch population needs to get the help of non-Baloch compatriots to exploit the mineral wealth.

If the Balochistan problem is to be resolved, the lawmakers of the province will have to be more honest in the utilisation of the available funds and resources for the welfare of the masses.

The writer is a retired colonel.

Email: northpole716@gmail.com

Criminal gangs dealing in drugs, guns, kidnapping and land scams with some of them even enjoying patronage from assorted political outfits and groups are a common sight in the narrow, crooked and overpopulated streets of Lyari.

But all this was not a sudden phenomenon emerging in the last decade or so. Nor is this all what Lyari is about.

Lyari also has a rich political and cultural history; a history that, rather ironically, has to be understood for anyone trying to make head or tails of the constant social and political turmoil and strife this large, awkward locality has been experiencing almost on a daily basis now.

First in line

Lyari is by far the oldest locality of Karachi having begun life centuries ago as a small fishing village.

The locality always had a large Afro-Indian/Pakistani population (Sheedis).

The Sheedis are believed to be the descendants of slaves, sailors, servants and merchants from East Africa who arrived between 1200 and 1900 AD.

In what is today Pakistan, these slaves largely settled along the Markran Coast in Balochistan (they are also called Makranis) and in lower Sindh.

Linguistically, they speak variations of Balochi and Sindhi and (in Karachi) they are also known to have created a distinct dialect of Urdu referred to as ‘Makrani’ in which Urdu words are mixed with Balochi and Sindhi expressions and even popular English terms, manly picked up from British and US films and TV series, are also regularly used, mostly in a tongue-in-cheek way.

Most Sheedis in Karachi were and still are associated with the fishing business (as fishermen, sailors and small boat operators). They also constitute the largest labour force employed at the Karachi port and harbour.

Over the years, especially after the creation of Pakistan in 1947, Lyari also began to witness the influx of Pushtuns, Sindhis and Mohajirs (including Memons) and (in the last 30 years), many working-class Afghans, Bengalis and Burmese migrants have also settled here.

The area is a working-class reflection of the stunning ethnic, religious and sectarian diversity that is the hallmark of Karachi’s bulging cosmopolitanism and indigenous secularism.

But Lyari is also the area that hardly benefited from the industrial growth and economic progress that Karachi enjoyed between the 1950s and early 1980s.

In fact by the late 1960s Lyari was well on its way to becoming a modern, urban slum.

The right stuff

A young Lyari girl in a traditional ‘Makrani dress’ at a wedding. –Photo courtesy South Asia News.

But all this did not just produce a locality riddled with only crime, violence and economic desperation. The equation of poverty, overpopulation, diversity, crime, radical politics and the presence of a majority having a proud African lineage also gave birth to a working-class polity, spirituality and aesthetics that have generated a unique cultural scenario.

It is this mix that has correctly painted a perception of Makranis as being open-minded, large-hearted, hard-working people who speak a distinct slang-riddled version of street-Urdu and are passionate about football, boxing and the movies.

Some of the best international level boxers in Pakistan have almost all emerged from Lyari and same is the case with football. It is also perhaps the only area in Pakistan where these two sports actually overshadow cricket!

A majority of Makranis belong to the so-called Sunni ‘Barelvi’ school of faith – an indigenous sub-continental variation of ‘folk Islam’ that emerged in the 18th century as a reaction against the rise of puritanical Islamic movements.

Barelvi Islam is not a concrete doctrine. In essence it is highly decentralised and anti-dogma. It connotes the practice in which sub-continental folk mores are fused with the ritualism of Sufi Islam and the pluralistic and ‘poor-friendly’ culture of devotional music, charity and festivity found around shrines of Sufi saints across Pakistan and India.

Most Makranis of Lyari are the devotees of the legendary 12th century Sufi saint, Pir Mangho, whose shrine in the Mangopir area of Karachi is believed to be one of the oldest in the city.

The shrine also has hot sulphur springs and a large pond where the shrine’s keepers have harvested crocodiles for hundreds of years. Feeding these reptiles is considered to be a celestially ordained and beneficial ritual.

The Makranis come here in their hundreds, especially during the birth celebrations of the saint. Here they re-enact the dancing, musical and devotional rituals of their African ancestors.

Between the late 1970s and 1990s Lyari also produced its own music scene, popularly known as ‘Lyari disco’.

Music has always played a major role in the lives of the people of Lyari, both in the spheres of faith and entertainment – especially music driven by pounding and rhythmic drumbeats.

One of the first areas outside the privileged populace of Karachi to embrace the invasion of classical American and European disco music of the late 1970s was Lyari.

Two Lyari football fans in Brazilian soccer jerseys. -Photo courtesy Akhtar Soomro.

Throughout the 1980s dimly-lit small recording studios sprang up in Lyari where talented young Makrani men and women would record bouncy Balochi tunes that fused basic disco beats with traditional Balochi and African musical dynamics.

First the resultant albums were almost entirely bought and sold in Lyari but a massive ‘Lyari disco’ hit by one Shazia Khushk (a Sindhi) helped the genre to break out and turn Khushk into a national sensation.

The song was ‘Bija Teer Bija’ – recorded (at a Lyari studio) and released in 1988, it was a funky, driven tribute to the charismatic chairperson of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), Benazir Bhutto.

The song was first used by the PPP during its electoral campaign for the November 1988 general election.

People’s power

Recently, Lyari has been treated by the media as an area whose politics is rather complex. This is mainly due to the growing influx of working-class people belonging to various ethnicities settling here. With them have arrived attempts by different political parties close to these ethnicities to carve out a vote bank for themselves in Lyari.

Also related to this is the way street crime, land scams and politics have mixed in Karachi in the last two decades in which street thugs and gangs have been used by political parties to generate funds and garner votes.

The complexities in this respect are further heightened when some gangs and criminals ‘become too big for their boots’ and become an embarrassment for the parties, especially when gang warfare conducted purely on criminal grounds become politicised due to the gangsters’ past or present association with political parties.

In the last few years, Lyari has become a hotbed of this particular phenomenon in Karachi. Otherwise, its politics has remained rather uncomplicated.

Ever since the 1970 general election, Lyari has been an unbending vote bank of the PPP. The party has won every national and provincial election that it has contested from Lyari from 1970 right up till the 2008 election.

The credit for this goes to PPP chairman, Z A. Bhutto and his party’s original socialist manifesto that resonated successfully with the people of Lyari.

The populism and socialist policies of the first PPP government (1972-77) were hugely popular with the voters of Lyari, but the PPP and the Bhuttos became enshrined as perpetual heroes here after Bhutto was toppled by a reactionary military coup orchestrated by General Ziaul Haq and then hanged to death through a sham trial in 1979.

Lyari witnessed a number of violent protests against the Zia regime throughout the 1980s, many of these turned into armed conflicts between the police and youth belonging to the PPP’s student and youth wings.

Shrine keepers feed one of the many crocodiles at the shrine of Pir Mangho. -Photo courtesy AP

Lyari also became the breeding ground of radical left-wing politics and activity during the dictatorship. A number of young residents of Lyari were jailed and some were even hanged for their supposed involvement with Murtaza Bhutto’s Al-Zulfikar Organisation (AZO) and other supposedly clandestine ‘communist outfits.’

On her return from exile in 1986, the first large rally that Benazir Bhutto held in Karachi was in Lyari. Her marriage to Asif Ali Zardari also took place in Lyari (1987).

To date, though parties like the MQM, ANP, Sunni Tehreek and some militant Baloch and Sindhi nationalist parties have opened offices here, the PPP support base and vote bank remains steadfast and secure in Lyari.

Attempts have also been made by puritanical Islamic evangelist groups like the Tableeghi Jamat to recruit young poverty-stricken Lyari residents, but the Jamat’s attempts have failed to bag much interest.

Gangland

Lyari is also known for gang-related violence. Though wild and often deadly, many Lyari gangsters have ultimately been portrayed by most Lyari residents as victims of their circumstances; some have even been casted as Robin Hood like characters in Lyari’s many urban folklores.

The first well known gangster here went by the name of Kala Naag (Black Serpent). He was active in Lyari in the 1960s, peddling hashish and running a network of pickpockets.

Kala Naag who emerged from poverty to become a toughie ‘trained’ two angry young men from the area, Sheru and Dadal. Both men were huge American movie fans, loved to drink whisky, smoked hashish and made a living by selling black tickets outside cinemas.

Donkey cart racing is a highly popular sport in Lyari. Bets are placed on races that begin in Lyari and end on the beaches of Karachi’s Clifton area. -Photo courtesy Akhtar Soomro.

They began to encroach upon Naag’s business and became rivals. Gang fights between their individual groups became common but in which only fists and knives were used. Then in 1967, Kala Nag was killed while fleeing the cops.

Sheru and Dadal battled it out between themselves until the arrival of Kala Nag’s son, Allah Baksh, also called ‘Kala Nag 2 (sic).’

Till the early 1980s, Lyari gangsters were largely involved in the trafficking of hashish, in bootlegging and street crimes. However, with the arrival of large quantities of sophisticated weapons and heroin, brought into the city by the large number of Afghan refugees pouring into Pakistan at the wake of the so-called anti-Soviet jihad in Afghanistan, changed that.

Changing rules of the game and growing poverty and population in Lyari meant the emergence of deadlier criminals. Kala Nag 2 joined hands with one Iqbal Babu and brushed aside Sheru and Dadal.

Nag 2 and Babu’s new opponent was Haji Lalu. All of them were now arming their gangs with sophisticated weaponry and had begun to peddle heroin as well.

Lyari was distributed between Babu and Lalu, both of whose groups are also said to have had provided safety to anti-Zia radicals on the run from the police.

A video grab showing members of a radical Baloch outfit replacing the Pakistan flag with a Bloch nationalist flag at a college in Lyari.

Lalu’s gang and the gang operated by Babu and Kala Nag 2 were constantly battling in the streets of Lyari. Extortion had become big business. Babu hired Hanif Bajola, a contract killer to kill Lalu. Simultaneously, Lalu was training his friend Dadal’s orphan son to make a hit on Babu.

Meanwhile, Dadal’s teenaged son, Rehman (Rehman Dakait), entered the fry to take revenge for his father’s downfall engineered by Babu and Kala Nag 2.

Lalu’s son, Arshad Pappu also arrived on the scene. Yet another generation of Lyari gangsters was in the making.

Rehman’s anger was used by Lalu against Kala Nag 2 and Babu. Nag was arrested by police (in 1991), whereas Rehman and his men mowed down a large number of Babu’s thugs, including four of Babu’s sons.

In 1996 Babu was arrested and put behind bars. So was Rehman, but in 1997 he managed to break out and escape. He was now at loggerheads with his mentor Lalu who was put behind bars in the early 2000s, leaving his son Arshad Papu to run his gang.

Rehman Dakait now replaced with uzair Baloch

For almost a decade after this, Rehman and Papu’s gangs battled to enforce their authority over Lyari’s deteriorating crime scene. This was also the first time when Rehman and Papu were said to have developed links with the PPP and MQM men in the area.

Rehman engineered the formation of the Peoples Aman Committee, a charity organisation that distributed money and food to the people of Lyari and was also patronised by the PPP. But the committee was also manned by Rehman’s thugs in the extortion and kidnapping business.

In 2009, the PPP, now back in power, felt that Rehman was becoming too big for his boots. It looked the other way when Karachi police shot dead Rehman.

In 2011, when the Committee, now under Uzair Baloch, got embroiled in a deadly tussle with thugs patronised by the MQM, the PPP’s Sindh government banned the committee.

Nadeem F. Paracha is a cultural critic and senior columnist for Dawn Newspaper and Dawn.com

Forget militancy, forget target killings, forget sectarian mayhem, forget even tribal vendettas and feudal bloodletting, just look at the shenanigans of the elected representatives in Balochistan and your democratic idealism will experience a nuclear evisceration.

@fahdhusain

Mine did after spending a few days in Quetta. There is one word to describe what is happening here in the name of democracy: farce. Strong word? Wait till you hear what’s on the democratic menu: nepotism, check. Incompetence, double check. Corruption, triple check. Compared to the government here, the one in Islamabad seems like an embodiment of Churchillian brilliance. And that’s putting it mildly.

So here I am sitting with the speaker of the Balochistan Assembly and he tells me matter-of-factly there are no standing committees in the assembly. “Say what?” I do a double-take. Aslam Bhootani, the Speaker, is an affable man with a forthcoming nature. A former civil servant, he dived into politics a decade ago and now says he’s had enough. He hails from Lasbela, two hours drive from Karachi, which perhaps explains his urbane demeanour.

“Er…so if you don’t have standing committees, how do you do legislation?” I asked innocently, expecting some technical explanation. Fat chance. “We introduce a bill on the floor, vote on it, and it’s done,” says Bhootani.

Later in the day, I made enquiries. Here’s what I found out: Almost all bills originate from the bureaucracy. They are then sent to the cabinet where few bother to read them and just pass it. That done, the bill moves to parliament. The ministers have no idea because they haven’t read it, even though they have technically passed it. Now someone has to read the bill aloud on the floor of the assembly. The ministers are not bothered. They have to be chased, begged and cajoled to present the bill. Some poor minister finally accedes to the request, but not before saying he won’t do it the next time. The bill is read, then a voice vote is taken, and it’s done. A law has been made, but the elected reps are mostly clueless. Often some ministers raise objections, but they are told that they themselves have passed the bill.

“Oh”, they say.

Since 2008, when the present provincial assembly came into being, the matter of the standing committees has been repeatedly raised. In a parliamentary set-up, these committees form the backbone of parliament. It is here that parliamentarians thrash out issues, obtain technical input, discuss the ins and outs of the proposed law, give it final shape and bring it to the floor for a vote.

But not in Balochistan. No sir, not in Balochistan.

Why not? I asked the chief minister of the province Nawab Aslam Raisani. He speaks in short quick bursts, like a semi-automatic weapon firing off rounds. And he wears his sense of humour on his sleeve, the kind which made him say “degree is a degree, whether real or fake.”

“So Nawab sahib, why haven’t you constituted standing committees,” I asked him. Raisani shrugged. “Ho jaye ga yeh bhee” (this will also be done),” he said in a rapid fire tone. Another minister sitting next to me repeated the question. Perhaps, he too was concerned. Raisani clearly was not.

What he didn’t say, but what I found out from others in hushed tones was that the formation of the standing committees was a contentious issue because of — and you’ve got to hear this — the wrangling over who would become chairmen of these committees. Since the government here is a coalition and all members of the assembly, save a few, are ministers or advisors, Raisani didn’t want to risk alienating anyone — and thereby risking his own position. So the logic was: let the issue be, let the committees be, why risk a conflict. “Kaam chal raha hai na” (work is still being done, isn’t it) was one justification.

Gem of a logic.

This is just one example of how the government is being run (down). Imagine: Post Eighteenth Amendment, this provincial government (and others) is responsible for almost everything, including education and health. It’s like asking a toddler to drive an 18 wheeler truck.

Chew on this, Raza Rabbani.

While working on the run-up to the independence of the subcontinent, the British laid down some ground rules. In their statement of May 16, 1946, the Cabinet Mission pronounced that paramountcy would neither be retained by the British Crown nor transferred to any new government in India. The states, released from the obligations of paramountcy, would work out their own relationship with the successor states. The question of the political future of some 565 Indian states ruled by native princes, constituted about one fourth of India’s population, and had engaged the serious attention of the British rulers and the Congress and Muslim League leadership. Unfortunately, the widely divergent policy approaches of the three major actors in respect of the states’ future created a challenging situation for Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. The manner in which the British implemented their laconic policies through Crown Representative Lord Mountbatten, who due to his open conflict with the Quaid and blatant commitment to the proto-Indian government’s policy, made the Quaid’s task difficult.

The policy of the All-India Muslim League, as clarified by Jinnah, was: “We do not wish to interfere with the internal affairs of any state… Such States as wish to enter the Pakistan Constituent Assembly of their free will and desire to negotiate with us shall find us ready and willing to do so. If they wish to remain independent and…to negotiate…any political or any other relationship…with Pakistan, we shall be glad to come to settlement which will be in the interest of both.”

In the course of negotiations between the British government and the rulers of the states, the Congress leaders Nehru and Patel adopted a stance based on intimidation and coercion of the rulers as well as resorting to clandestine and crafty dealings. On April 9, 1947, speaking at Gwalior as President of the States’ People’s Conference, Nehru threatened the rulers to join the Indian Constituent Assembly or be treated as hostile. H V Hodson, Constitutional Advisor to Viceroy Linlithgow, in his book The Great Divide mentions the deal between Mountbatten and Sardar Patel on the states’ accession to India at all costs. Patel is quoted to have told Mountbatten: “I will buy a basket of 565 apples”(the computed number of states). But if there are even two or three apples missing, the deal is off.” Mountbatten responded: “If I give you a basket with, say, 560 apples, will you buy it?” Patel replied, “I might. “The bargain was struck and the ostensible reward was the assurance of the post of governor general of independent India for Mountbatten.

In open opposition to Jinnah, Mountbatten actively prevented the accession of five Kathiawar states, namely Dasuda, Vanod, Jainabad, Bajuna and Radha to Pakistan. Each of these states had a Muslim ruler who requested union with Pakistan. In the case of Junagadh, Manavadar and Mangrol, which had acceded to Pakistan, India ordered military action in September 1947, which culminated in their forceful annexation on November 9, 1947. Four months later, Mountbatten justified the illegal military action against Junagadh in an aide-memoire to the King of England.

Jinnah still stuck to his stated policy about accession of states, but faced some problems in the accession of Kalat to Pakistan. The British government had given extraordinary autonomy and independence to Kalat through their treaties of 1841, 1854 and 1876 after a series of inconclusive wars. Jinnah had to cope with that mindset of Kalat and it was not easy for him to topple the state and merge it with Pakistan with just a stroke of the pen. Therefore, tact was required and that was what Jinnah did.

Jinnah had problems in dealing with his friend the Khan of Kalat, who claimed independent sovereign status for his state. In the negotiations held on July 19, 1947, with Crown Representative Mountbatten in the chair, who stated that on the lapse of paramountcy, “states would de jure become independent; but de facto, very few were likely to benefit…that although Kalat would have gained freedom, no practical course other than some form of association with Pakistan was open to it. “On August 11, 1947, Jinnah recognised Kalat as an independent sovereign state with a status different from that of other Indian states.

It is surprising that even though the Indian Independence Act 1947 did not give the option of independence to any Indian state, Pakistan conceded such a status to Kalat. Britain objected to this policy and advised against recognition to the state as a separate international entity. Jinnah had some understanding and was anxious to complete the formalities of accession, which the Khan of Kalat promised to complete shortly. However, the Khan seemed to waver. Jinnah took a dim view of his “most disappointing and unsatisfactory” attitude. The six-month delay in the completion of legal formalities taxed his patience, and on March 27, 1948, he instructed Foreign Secretary Ikram Ullah that “there should be no negotiations of any kind or any further discussion to create slightest impression that anything but accession is possible”.

The writer is a culture and media management specialist, a researcher, director and author. He is also a Vice-President and Punjab General Secretary of the All Pakistan Muslim League (APML)

Growth potential of a country devoid of natural resources remains seriously handicapped, but is less vulnerable to foreign intrigues and intervention. Conversely, a country rich in resources remains vulnerable to foreign intervention. Imperialist powers greedily searching for more resources mark the resource rich countries and go to the extent of waging wars in pursuit of their mercantile interests.

Estern Balochistan Borders with western Balochistan Iran

They feel no compunction in stealing mineral resources of weaker nations incapable of fighting bigger powers. Geostrategic importance of a country/region is another factor which becomes an attraction for expansionist powers with imperialist agenda.

Poverty stricken Balochistan is one such region which has watered the mouths of many adventurers. Not only it is laden with gold, diamonds, silver, chromites, copper, zinc, uranium, marble, onyx, granite, coal, gas and several other carbon resources, it has a 700 km long coastline along Arabian Sea on which strategically important ports like Gwadar, Ormara and Pasni are situated. It is close to Strait of Hormuz through which bulk of oil flows to Japan, China, Europe and beyond.

Balochistan provides shortest opening to landlocked Afghanistan with which it shares 1234 km long porous border. It also share border with Western Balochistan Iran, which these days has become a target of US-Israel-EU intrigues. CIA is actively employing a Sunni-Iranian terrorist group Jundullah from the soil of Balochistan to destabilize Iran and Western Balochistan provinces of Iran.

Right from the rule of Peter the Great and Tsarists, Russia has aspired to reach up to the warm waters of Northern Arabian Sea through Afghanistan and Balochistan so that it could gain access to the mineral resources of Africa and Middle East. Russian southward drive was checkmated by Great Britain north of River Oxus and Afghanistan was made a buffer zone between the two imperialist powers. The British during its rule of India had developed road and rail infrastructure up to Quetta and Chaman in order to launch wars in Afghanistan and to keep Russian southern expansionism at bay. The Great game played between Russia and Britain had been motivated by the desire of gaining political ascendency in the region.

In the aftermath of 2nd World War which gave rise to bi-polar world, economically exhausted Britain had to abandon its colonies in Asia and Africa. Division of Indian subcontinent into India and Pakistan in 1947 and withdrawal of Britain east of Suez gave an opportunity to Soviet Union to enhance its influence in Afghanistan and in India. Its age old yearning for warm waters motivated Soviet leaders to meddle into the affairs of Balochistan and to extend support to the idea of ‘Greater Balochistan’ during the 1973 insurgency. When it stepped into Afghanistan in December 1979, it had reached closer to the realization of its longstanding dream.

Once the USSR fragmented in 1991 and USA emerged as the sole super power, it hungered for tapped and untapped resources of six former Soviet Muslim Republics of Central Asia that had gained independence. One of the compelling reasons of USA to invade and occupy Afghanistan in November 2001 and to make it its permanent military station was to capture Central Asia’s natural resources which are greater than Middle East resources. For the shipment of oil and gas to European and American markets, Gwadar situated along Mekran Coast figured out as the most suitable jump off point within its envisaged energy corridor. Saindak and Riqo Diq projects worth billions of dollars in Balochistan became added attractions. Riqo Diq in Chaghi district has world’s largest gold mines. Cancellation of license of Tethyan Copper Company involved in exploration of mineral resources in Riqo Diq at a throw away price by Balochistan government and Supreme Court upholding its decision has caused an uproar among corporate circles.

China’s engagement in Saindak project, Gwadar seaport and in other mega projects was another worrying factor to get attracted towards Balochistan. Launching of two major military operations in Helmand Province of Afghanistan by US-UK forces in 2009 and 2011 were aimed at securing a launching pad for future military operation either by Afghan Army backed by ISAF in conjunction with Indian military from the east or singly by ISAF. Or creating a justification to conduct hot pursuit operations inside peaceful belt of Pashtun inhabited Balochistan and disturbing their peace. The other purpose was to gain control over poppy trade in Helmand province and deny the same to Taliban.

Development of Gwadar deep seaport and construction of water dams initiated by Gen Musharraf were aimed at bringing the neglected province into socio-economic mainstream. Gwadar Port by itself had the potential to alleviate the poverty of the province. Commencement of work on several mega projects in Balochistan caused deep resentment to Akbar Bugti and other Sardars as well as to the US harbouring ill designs against Balochistan. The Sardars who had kept their respective tribes in bondage viewed development works in interior Balochistan a threat to their Sardari system. On one hand they aired political and economic grievances and on the other they objected to the mega projects vehemently. They propagated that Gwadar Port would be monopolised by the affluent class from other provinces at the cost of people of Balochistan. Opening of schools and colleges and development of road infrastructure in rural areas was also resented. Anti-development stance contradicted their earlier stance that Balochistan being the biggest province and rich in resources had been kept backward and neglected.

Balochistan ranked highest in the priority list of the targets chosen for subversion by USA and its allies. Taking advantage of the fears of the rebellious Baloch Sardars, the US tempted them and they got easily induced. Massive financial and weapons aid flow coupled with intimate backup support of several world powers made Nawab Akbar Bugti headstrong. He rebuffed all efforts made by the government to arrive at a peaceful political settlement. He had been receiving heavy sums from the government in return for allowing extraction of gas from Sui gas fields and was demanding substantive raise in annual grants. He got miffed when his demand was not accepted on the basis that instead of utilizing the gas royalty and funds for the development of his region, he was pocketing it.

Finding that the government was determined to proceed with uplift programs and was not giving a raise in gas royalty, in consultation with mutinous Sardars of Marri and Mengal tribes and foreign patrons, Akbar Bugti decided to defy the government. In order to create an excuse for picking up arms, he drummed up a case of rape of Dr Shazia employed in Sui Gas Company. Insurgency which was initially kindled in Dera Bugti spread to Sui, Kahan and Kohlu. Subsequently the flames of terrorism reached capital city of Quetta, which received frequent rocket attacks. Terrorists targeted gas pipelines, electric grid stations and pylons, railway lines, security check posts, military convoys, passenger trains and buses. Even the helicopter carrying Gen Musharraf and IGFC was fired at with a missile. Hectic political efforts were made to convince Akbar Bugti to stop violence and to resolve the grievances through political means.

When reconciliatory efforts failed and Akbar Bugti shifted his command HQ to the mountains to oversee the armed insurgency, and the security situation kept deteriorating, a military operation had to be launched in 2006 in the troubled areas of interior Balochistan. Most of the 65 Farari camps established with the help of their foreign patrons were dismantled during the six-month operation. Death of Akbar Bugti in August 2006 further intensified the insurgency, which was supported by RAW, RAAM and Mossad from Afghanistan and CIA and MI-6 from within. Insurgency engulfed other Baloch inhabited regions of Kalat, Turbat, Khuzdar, Panjgur, Pasni, Lasbella, Awaran, Kharan, Machh, Dhadhar, Sibi, Dera Allah Yar, Dera Murad Jamali. The four Indian consulates in southern and eastern Afghanistan became the operating centres for cross border terrorism. India also made use of its consulate in Zahidan to funnel funds, arms and equipment to the rebels.

Once the Baloch insurgency picked up momentum, Indo-US-western propaganda machinery sprung into action. The US media and think tanks started playing up human rights violations against the Baloch in Balochistan. Stories of Balkanization of Pakistan and maps of Balkanized Pakistan kept appearing quite frequently, which were in line with covert plan hatched to separate Balochistan from Pakistan. The US and its allies are least interested in the people of Balochistan. They hate them as much as they hate Muslims living in other regions. Selfish merchant and strategic interests are the only attractions to champion the cause of Balochistan. The anti-poor rebellious Baloch Sardars rolling in money who have enslaved their tribes are their friends.

Despite India’s outward wish of peace and friendship, its RAW is still actively involved in the province and the government is in the know of it. Balochistan specific training camps are still functional in Afghanistan. 65 Farari camps in interior Balochistan, each housing 30-40 terrorists, which were dismantled in 2006-07 as a result of a military operation have become functional again as a result of the military returning to barracks and intense censure by the human rights activists, foreign paid NGOs, USA, India, western world and local/foreign media against any proactive action taken by the Army. The FC is now in the firing line and demand for its withdrawal from counter insurgency operations is getting louder.

The self-exiled Baloch Sardars are being mollycoddled and provided hefty amounts of cash and constantly nudged to keep promoting the idea of independent Balochistan. Encouraged by the statements of Brahamdagh Bugti, Harbyar Marri, Dr Wahid Baloch and several other Baloch leaders in exile and section of Pakistani media not only promoting the separatist agenda but also bashing Pak security forces and ISI, three US Republicans moved a highly controversial bill in the Congress which supported the cause of Baloch separatists. The bill has further emboldened anti-Pakistan Baloch Sardars to spew out poison against Pakistan. However, they are not making any headway since the people of Balochistan do not subscribe to their separatist ideas. Their chief supporter USA itself is entangled in Afghanistan and direly needs Pakistan’s support to get its troops pulled out safely. Closure of NATO’s supply line has put the US on the defensive. As long as NATO supply line remain suspended and initiative remains in the hands of Taliban in Afghanistan, and situation in Strait of Hormuz remains tense, the US can ill-afford to provide overt support to the rebellious Baloch Sardars.

India which is deeply involved in Balochistan is also very keen to promote trade with Pakistan and to make use of land route to Afghanistan and Central Asia through Wagah to expand its business. India knows that sooner than later the ISAF would depart from Afghanistan and India at its own will not be able to twist the arm of Pakistan. Its military limitations together with economic interests would keep India restrained. The Baloch Sardars in exile are conscious of the fact that once the ISAF exits from Afghanistan and Taliban return to power, their sanctuaries in Afghanistan would close and flow of funds and arms from their patrons would also cease. Stoppage of monthly salaries to the Baloch fighters would compel them to come down from the hills and surrender. They also know that common people of Balochistan hate them for keeping the province backward and impoverished and are welcoming the development works and wholesome initiatives taken by the Army and Navy to boost up the poor segment of Baloch.

Under the fast changing geo-political conditions, insurgency in Balochistan which is already on a downward curvature will get extinguished like a damp squib no sooner the US-NATO troops abandon Afghanistan. The Federal and Balochistan governments must however go all out to address the genuine grievances of people of Balochistan and take steps to break the perverse influence of Sardars and Nawabs.

The price of Hummer and motorcycle has been cited as $2mn and $35,555, respectively. He has two other vehicles, including a Land Cruiser.
He owns a safety and security firm and a mining company with a capital investment of Rs106.5mn. He also owns over 30 properties valued at Rs150mn in his own and wife’s name.
The Minister for Home and Tribal Affairs, Mir Zafar Ullah Khan, owns 24,338 acres of land, most of which he has inherited and is yet to be distributed. He has Rs51mn in two bank accounts and owns a house worth $23,000.

The Minister for Building, Agha Irfan Karim, owns four properties, including a farm house, 150 acres of agricultural land and a house in Quetta, but has not mentioned the price, just mentioning ‘not evaluated’ in the remarks column against the detail of immovable property.

He owns two diamond-studded Rolex wrist watches, two more with gold and silver, 10 diamond-studded cufflinks and 2,400 grams of gold.
Pir Abdul Qadir Algilani owns 3,200 acres of land in Kalat and Lasbella, and an under-construction farm in Lasbella on 400 acres. His other properties include a two-acre hut in Gaddani. The Pir also has Rs33mn. He has mentioned investment in stocks, too, in his statement. His other properties include two coal mines, three manganese mines, one copper mine and one iron ore mine in his own and his wife’s name.
Pir Abdul Qadir has 300 guns. He also owns antiques and gems of unspecified quantity and value.
The Minister for Fisheries, Mir Hammal Kalmati, owns seven properties worth $2.64mn and has over $311,111 in bank accounts.

Today Balochistan is a virtual prison. With thousands of check-posts dotting the province, the Baloch are a society under siege. This land of despair, death, and violence in numerous forms, had largely been peaceful before Musharraf launched an aggressive campaign of what can only be described as “colonisation.”

His policies and actions devastated millions of lives in Balochistan. Thousands of people were forced to flee their homes, and in the process lost their regular means of livelihood. One tragic result of their displacement was the deaths of countless children from malnourishment in the scattered inaccessible camps. Meanwhile, thousands of Baloch students were deprived of education because they were unable to go to colleges and universities for fear of abduction and murder.

In his article, Musharraf also touted the old “foreign hand” theory, saying, “I have always warned of a known foreign hand trying to destabilise Pakistan through Afghanistan and Balochistan.” Therefore, for him the mass violation of human rights in Balochistan is a planted notion. Similarly, there are no disappearances and no missing persons in Balochistan, according to him; to believe otherwise is promotion of anti-Pakistan by agent provocateurs. His article was a vain attempt to take Pakistanis’ focus away from the tragedy of Balochistan. “It is a pity,” he said, “that human rights violations are not being noticed in Kashmir or Assam in India, but are visible only in Balochistan.” He blames TV anchors and writers in the print media for damaging the solidarity and unity of Pakistan.

As a true Baloch-hater, he believes in dealing with the Baloch people and their leadership with an iron hand. There is no doubt in the minds of the Baloch that the Pakistani establishment, to which Musharraf belonged, has a policy towards the Baloch people of using the “Iron-hand”-for control over Balochistan by force and for the endless exploitation of Baloch wealth. It is this arrogant, brutal mindset which is the cause of all human rights violations in Balochistan, where non-Baloch forces rampantly kill and intimidate political activists.

Musharraf’s pathetic ignorance about Balochistan clearly shows through in his version on the Baloch-Pakhtun divide. On the one hand, he certifies the patriotism of some ethnic communities and tribes by calling them pro-Pakistani, and on the other he accuses others of being anti-state. The Pakhtuns are peace-loving fruit-growers and traders, in his view, and the Baloch are foreign agents.

His knowledge of Balochistan’s geography, tribes, regions, and languages only reveals the extent of his ignorance. According to his deconstructed Balochistan, the Mengal tribe inhabits eastern Balochistan, in areas neighbouring those regions where the Bugti and Marri tribes. In fact, the Mengals inhabit central and south-western Balochistan.

The Baloch-Pakhtun divide and inter-tribal and intra-tribal conflicts in Balochistan are results of the establishment’s deliberate policy of divide and rule. The Baloch and Pakhtuns in Balochistan are well aware of the fact that, although tensions and differences are part of human societies, particularly less-developed ones, these are always inflamed by the establishment in pursuit of its divide and rule policy.

In overemphasising the element of tribal differences and existence of militants the former dictator has deliberately tried to take readers’ attention away from Balochistan’s genuine political demands. Nowhere does he mention the fact that Balochistan has a history of progressive nationalist political parties and movement.

Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti was head of the Jamhoori Watan Party and he confronted Islamabad as a Baloch nationalist politician, not as a tribal chief. Nawab Bugti in his political capacity helped many settlers reach Pakistan’s top positions. He chose many settlers to represent his views in parliament. Non-Baloch jurist Muhammad Zafar was elected to the Senate in 1994 as a member of the Jamhoori Watan Party. In 1997, Nawab Bugti chose two Pashto-speakers, including the well-known political figure Khudai Noor, to represent his party in the Senate. Mr Bugti was an open-minded political figure, and not just a tribal chief.

Musharraf mentioned Mengal tribal elders without mentioning their immense role in Baloch politics. Sardar Attaullah Mengal and Akhtar Mengal are not followed by thousands of Baloch for tribal reasons, but because of the two leaders’ commitment to and sacrifices for the Baloch cause. Their views represent Baloch aspirations and dreams and their legitimacy is derived from the Baloch people, not from government agencies. Akhtar Mengal heads one of the largest and most popular political organisations of Balochistan, the Balochistan National Party, and his views represent a strong segment of moderate Baloch political activists of the province. Likewise, Nawab Khair Bakhsh Marri is respected by the Baloch and neighbouring people because of his policies and his political standing, not because of his tribal position.

Since Balochistan’s democratic voice has always been neglected and ignored by short-sighted ruling elite in Pakistan, Baloch political frustrations accumulated over a long period. Musharraf’s aggressive introduction of military and paramilitary garrisons in Balochistan raised apprehension among the more conscious segments of Baloch society. The political reaction to these exploitative, suppressive and demographic threats was understandable.

Musharraf and the anti-Baloch clique within the establishment hold the Baloch people and their leadership responsible for Balochistan’s underdevelopment and miseries. Yet how can a region develop when it has more soldiers than teachers, more garrisons than universities, more naval bases than institutions devoted to science, technology and research?

In Balochistan, cantonments of the Frontier Corps (FC) outnumber colleges. There are more police stations than vocational training centres and more check-posts than girls’ schools. Is this what Musharraf and his ilk call development?

(To be concluded)

The writer is a former senator from Balochistan. Email: balochbnp@gmail.com

The resolution in the American Congress seeking right of self-determination for the people of Balochistan has sent shockwaves throughout the nation and has perturbed both the civil and the military establishment. The American government has distanced itself from the resolution and clarified that it is not a depiction of its foreign policy. Nevertheless, as a consequence of this resolution, various segments of the Pakistani society have finally started discussing an issue, which has long been wilfully ignored. Slowly, yet surely, we as a nation are beginning to recognise that the situation in Balochistan is of a serious concern and is not merely an irritant.

Balochistan is the largest province of Pakistan with a huge potential of mineral produce. Despite its natural wealth, it is by far the most backward province in terms of economic prosperity and development. Most analysts attribute the voice of separation in Balochistan to economic deprivation. It was, therefore, a welcoming development when the incumbent government started the Agaaz-e-Huqooq-e-Balochistan campaign, although it is unfortunate that the Agaaz of Balochistan’s rights came some 65 years after independence. Even then, the campaign has failed to deliver to the masses and the feeling of economic deprivation has continued to prevail.

The cause of negative sentiment in Balochistan, however, is not limited to economic deprivation. It is also ignited by the general sentiment amongst the Baloch people that their human rights, cultural rights, and social rights are violated, and they are not in a position to make decisions about their own destiny. This feeling is so intense that the Balochis feel that the so-called “Punjabi establishment” is imposing its culture on them and the interest of Pakistan in Balochistan is limited to plundering the wealth of the province, particularly its mineral resources. The Baloch are also critical of the role of Pakistan’s armed forces. Such assertions appear to be far from the truth and it is simply inexplicable why the armed forces will actively work against the interests of its own people. Even if there are instances where blunders have been committed by the military and civilian establishments, attributing them to a concerted effort against its own people, perhaps, compromises the intellectual integrity of the whole argument.

Similarly, arguments about lack of participation in decision-making also rest on rather shaky grounds. This province, despite being the least populated in Pakistan, has active representation in Parliament, particularly in the Senate where all the provinces have equal representation. In fact, the Deputy Chairman of the Senate is now from Balochistan. Similarly, the Balochistan Provincial Assembly is an elected institution and all the members except one are currently part of the cabinet, and therefore part of the provincial government.

Moreover, the 18th Amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan has resulted in increased provincial autonomy, as well as increased access to the province’s mineral resources. Therefore, the accusation that Balochistan is governed like a colony and its resources are abused by Islamabad lacks veracity. What is true, however, is that the economic as well as the political power in Balochistan is in the hands of a selected few, and the participation of masses in political and economic affairs is minimal. This is precisely what is driving the negative sentiments in the province. Not that, in the rest of Pakistan, the masses are any better off, nevertheless, the deprivation of masses is significantly higher in Balochistan and needs immediate attention.

There is obviously no simple solution to the Balochistan crises. As a first step, it is important to comprehend that the situation in the province, if not adequately and immediately addressed, will result in disastrous consequences for Pakistan. It is both easy and fashionable to put the blame on Indian security agencies and armed forces for funding and promoting the militancy in Balochistan. Even if this is correct, we only have ourselves to blame. First, we are unable to militarily tackle the Indian manoeuvres. Secondly, such uprising cannot be sustained, unless there are genuine issues on the ground.

The need of the hour is an affirmative action plan comprising a sound economic package oriented towards the masses and not designed to fill the pockets of a select few. Similarly, widespread reforms ensuring wider public participation in political affairs is critical. Unless the military and civil establishment appreciates that there is genuinely an economic and political problem at hand, the situation in Balochistan will continue to remain grim. Ultimately, while militancy will have to be crushed, it will have to be accompanied by widespread economic and political reforms so as to address the underlying grievances.

Pakistan’s integrity and stability is not only important for its own people, but is also critical for regional security and prosperity. It is also in the interest of United States to promote a stable Pakistan; a country that can maintain its territorial and geographic integrity. It is quite unfortunate that some members of the American Congress have tabled a highly irresponsible resolution, which is not only a direct interference in the internal affairs of Pakistan, but is also set to adversely impact the already precarious relationship between the two countries. Although the US government has distanced itself from any such proposition regarding Balochistan, it is hoped that the matter will not proceed further in the Congress. Exactly what are the motives and the players behind the resolution, and surely there are some, are yet to surface. Needless to say that a couplet by Ghalib truly encapsulates the situation:

“Bay khudi bay wajah

naheen Ghalib,

Kuch tau hai jis ki parda daari hai.”

(This uneasiness is not without reason Ghalib; Surely, something is simmering behind the curtains.)

On the positive front, this resolution has finally jolted the Pakistani civil society, which now recognises that Balochistan is a major problem and needs immediate attention. One hopes that sanity will prevail and the powers that be will attend to the grievances of Baloch people through negotiations. One also wishes that in future, we as a nation will start openly discussing, deliberating, and debating about our pressing issues much before a bill exposing our fallacies is tabled in the Congress of the United States.

n    The writer is a practicing barrister based in Karachi where he also teaches law. The thoughts expressed herein are solely his own and not those of the institutions he is associated with.

Email: zeeshanadhi@gmail.com

Bramdagh Bugti, 30, heads the separatist Baloch Republican Party and its militant wing, the Baloch Republican Army. He has been accused of attacks against settlers in Balochistan, government installations and armed forces.

According to provincial ministry of interior and tribal affairs, 28 cases have been registered against Brahamdagh Bugti in Dera Bugti and Sui for carrying out anti-Pakistan activities from Afghanistan with the support of India.

Sources told DawnNews that these cases are being quashed on the directives of Federal Interior Minister Rehman Malik.

Cases against other Baloch rebel leaders are also being considered to be withdrawn and the concerned districts in this regard have already been notified.

Chief Minister Nawab Aslam Raisani has ordered to form a committee on the matter as well.

The decision meant that cases against Brahamdagh Bugti, Harbayar Marri and other Baloch leaders living abroad would be quashed in line with the government’s policy of reconciliation

Brahamdagh Bugti, a grandson of Nawab Akbar Bugti, is the founder of Baloch Republican Party while Harbayar Marri, a son of Khair Bakhsh Marri, is a leader of Balochistan Liberation Army.

The Baloch nationalist leaders had already rejected interior minister’s announcement about withdrawal of cases against Brahamdagh Bugti and Harbayar Marri last month and said the Balochistan issue cannot be resolved without recovery of missing persons and bringing to justice the elements involved in dumping bullet-riddled bodies.

Fear of the uncontrolled operation of terrorist groups provides very little to feel happy about. The various cases of murders and target killings, burning and closures of schools in the Balochistan province blatantly owned by such militant groups aims to perpetuate an environment of continuous fear so that the separatist agenda be taken to the next phase.

Teachers and professors are exiting the province for an ever looming fear of their lives. This mass exodus of educators does not impact the education system at this point in time only by depriving the younger generation from their basic right to education, but will surely have grave delayed consequences and repercussions. It wouldn’t be wrong if the students and parents fear for the future of their younger ones in this backdrop.

Due to the prevalence of a very close and claustrophobic tribal system, the people live their lives in fear of the wrath of their superiors and sardars. Atrocities and violence are seldom reported whereas victimisation of the oppressed continues unchecked and unabated. Where killing of women is a sign of bravery and to sell them becomes an accepted custom, can fear as a dominant emotion be taken out of the female existence?

Fear is used as a tool of manipulation by the sardars for maintaining their hegemony and to crush any sort of rebellion against them. For this severe punishments are devised and used upon the poor people. With a myriad of fear factors looming upon the people how can we expect any improvement in the situation in Balochistan?

AYAANA MALIK

Islamabad